Saturday, 28 December 2019

Untouchability flows from 'Abrahamic' fraud called 'religion'

The coverage of Shoaib Akhtar's 'revelation' that Pakistani cricketers practised a sort of untouchability against their fellow cricketer Danish Kaneria because the former was a 'Hindu' is another instance of everyday tamasha that fraudulent Indian media engages in.

It's tamasha because it's based on cultivated 'ignorance' of something that's much larger in context and should have always been well known and understood.

I have explained in an as-yet-unpublished series of articles not just the cultivated 'ignorance' and obscurantism of Indian media and academia but also the "fire support" they provide to Judeo-Christianity and Islam against the people, communities and cultures labelled 'Hindu'.

(This unpublished series of articles is going to blow quite a few covers and show why I believe India has not only been the new 'Hijaz' of Islam for the last 150 years, but has also been the world's top most exporter of Islam, Islamism and Islamic terrorism.)
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Have a look, for now, at some excerpts from this unpublished series of articles. 
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“If you (Nawaz Sharif) need an exposition of Deen, refer to Imam Rabbani who said a Muslim cannot have relations with Kafirs – Jews, Christians, Hindus, and Sikhs. That’s what a real Sufi sounds like!”

(Imam Rabbani is the honorific title of Ahmad Sirhindi, an Indian ‘Sufi’ of the 16th century. He is regarded as Mujaddid-e-Alf-e-Sani, the renewer of Islam of the second Islamic millennium).

“He (Ahmad Sirhindi) said interaction with Kafirs must be deemed as necessary as visiting a toilet. So, if a Muslim cannot avoid coming into contact with Kafirs, he must regard it as no more necessary than using a toilet. But when we visit a toilet, we don’t start extolling the virtues of it,” thunders Khadim Hussain Rizvi, alluding to Nawaz Sharif using words of appreciation for the Hindus.
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Born in Sirhind (now in Fatehgarh Sahib district of Indian Punjab), Ahmad Sirhindī (1564–1624) was a member of the Naqshbandī Sufi order during the Mughal period.

Pakistani historian Mubarak Ali writes that “Ahmad Sirhindi wanted to convince Jahangir to change Akbar’s policy towards non-Muslims.”

In a letter he wrote to Shaikh Farid Bukhari (Akbar and Jahangir’s paymaster general), Ahmad Sirhindi “expressed his pleasure on the assassination of Guru Arjan Dev, the fifth Sikh Guru, regarding it as an admirable step.”

“He further explained that the government should adopt a policy to humiliate Hindus and that the imposition of jizya rightly kept the infidels in a state of subordination,” writes Mubarak Ali.

“According to Sirhindi, this was the right time to convince the emperor to eliminate un-Islamic practices which had become a part of the Muslim culture and to eliminate the influence of the infidels… If no action was taken and idolatry continued to flourish, the emperor and his nobles would be responsible for damaging the cause of Islam by not creating a consciousness about sharia among the Muslims.”

Describing the contents of the same letter, New Zealand scholar Arthur Buehler quotes Ahmad Sirhindi as writing that “anyone who honors infidels (ahl-e-kufr) disgraces Muslims”.

“This is not only Hindus being employed in the ranks of the Mughal elite, but also means keeping company with non-Muslims and talking with them, which implies a larger context than government service. They should be kept away like dogs.”

Arthur Buehler adds: “The ashrafi (high-born) Sirhindi talking about how he feels toward Hindus was almost identical to Brahmin attitudes toward untouchable, outcaste mleccha Muslims.”

Buehler’s observation points to the ‘untouchability’ that lies at the very core of Islam – and yet ‘untouchability’ has been developed into a concept that assumes meaning in popular imagination only in conjunction with the word ‘Hindu’.

One does not have to connect any more dots to realize that ‘untouchability’ is actually another instance of ‘fire support’ that the media and academia have developed over the years to provide protective cover to Islam’s ethnocidal war against non-Muslims in general and ‘Hindus’ in particular.
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(Box) ‘Untouchability’ informs the Abrahamic hatred for all communities and cultures of the world – branded ‘pagan,’ ‘heathen,’ ‘Kafir,’ ‘Mushrik,’ etc. – that Christianity and Islam have for centuries been targeting for ethnocidal ‘conversion’ or genocidal destruction.

The Abrahamic ‘untouchability’ ensures that all social interactions between ‘Christians’/’Muslims’ on the one hand and the ‘heathen’/’Kafir’ on the other turn into colonizer-and-colonized or manipulator-and-manipulated kind of relationships.

The ‘fire support’ has been fairly successful in portraying ‘Hindus,’ the worst victims of Islamic ‘untouchability’ and violence, as the originators and sole perpetrators of ‘untouchability’ while absolving Islam of its monstrous crimes by inventing the notion of ‘backward Muslim’ in the same league as Dalits.

Even a superficial reading of the publicly available information can nail the fraudulent basis of the ‘fire support’ being provided to the fact that among ‘Hindus’ it’s the Dalits of the Indian Subcontinent who have borne the brunt of Islamic predation.

Jogendra Nath Mandal, Pakistan's first law minister who belonged to a Scheduled Caste community from Bengal, had said the following in his resignation letter to Prime Minister of Pakistan Liaquat Ali Khan.

“Leaving aside the question of East Pakistan, let me now refer to West Pakistan, especially Sind. The West Punjab had after partition about a lakh of Scheduled Castes people. It may be noted that a large number of them were converted to Islam.”

“Only four out of a dozen Scheduled Castes girls abducted by Muslims have yet been recovered in spite of repeated petitions to the Authority. Names of those girls with names of their abductors were supplied to the government. The last reply recently given by the Officer-in-Charge of recovery of abducted girls said that ‘his function was to recover Hindu girls and 'Achhuts' (Scheduled Castes) were not Hindus’.”

Little has changed since October 1950 when Jogendra Nath Mandal wrote that letter and left Pakistan forever for India.

Most of the ‘Hindu’ girls in Sindh being abducted and forcibly converted to Islam in recent months and years belong to the Scheduled Caste communities (such as Meghwar, Kohli, Bheel and Oad) as this list posted on Twitter in March 2019 illustrates, upon checking.

Sindh-based activist Mukesh Meghwar, who belongs to a community that’s designated 'Scheduled Caste' in India as well as in Pakistan, wrote in September 2018 about discrimination, demonization, rape, abduction and violence that ‘Hindus’ of Pakistan have been facing since Partition.

“I get punished over and over again merely for being a Hindu. I face violence every day for being a Hindu. I am treated as a third-grade citizen. My sisters are abducted and raped; many are forced into converting their religion.”

Mukesh Meghwar’s community is clearly not 'oppressed' by ‘Brahmins’ or the so called 'upper caste Hindus' – of which there is hardly any significant number left in Pakistan after the ethnic cleansing of 1947 – but by systemic hatred and ‘untouchability’ flowing from Islam.

The increasingly miserable and precarious condition of the ‘Scheduled Caste’ Hindus of Pakistan is matched by the plight of the people of the same communities, who ‘converted’ long ago. Aasia Bibi, the Christian woman from Punjab who was convicted of ‘insulting’ Muhammad by a Pakistani court and was sentenced to death by hanging in 2010, is a case in point.

She had reportedly been abused by 'Muslim' women working with her on a farm for using a drinking vessel that her Muslim co-workers had reserved for themselves, sparking an exchange that ultimately led to the blasphemy charge against her. There were no 'Hindus' involved here – only ‘Muslim’ women and a 'Christian' victim of their ‘untouchability’.

“Aasia is a Christian. In Pakistan, many conservative Muslims don’t like to eat or drink with people of other faiths. They believe that non-Muslims are impure,” wrote Shumaila Jaffery for the BBC in February 2019.

The Churha community of Pakistani Punjab whose members have traditionally had little choice but to engage in sweeping and clearing garbage continues as before despite ‘converting’ to Christianity and despite the fact that it has been surrounded by Islam; the experience of some members of the Churha community has been captured in this short video produced by Punjab Lok Sujag, a Pakistani NGO.

The members of the so called ‘low castes’ who ‘converted’ to Islam have had similar experience, as Rabia Mehmood argues in this article published in March 2012 in Pakistani newspaper The Express Tribune.

These examples show that whatever is imagined as manifestations of the so called ‘caste system’ in the Indian Subcontinent has little to do with much-maligned ‘Hindus’ – and that Islam (and Christianity for that matter) is not the emancipator of the ‘downtrodden’ as it has been portrayed, but is an ethnocidal predator and exploiter of the weak and the vulnerable.

These examples also show – in light of Arthur Buehler’s observation on the indignities that Ahmad Sirhindi wanted to heap upon the ‘Hindus’ – that ‘chroniclers’ and ‘historians’ have long been using the so called ‘caste system’ as a ‘fire support’ to protect the hate-filled ‘untouchability’ inherent in Islam.
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In his PhD thesis on Ahmad Sirhindi that he submitted to the McGill University in 1966, Yohanan Friedmann, an Israeli scholar of Islamic studies, cited the ‘Sufi saint’ as demanding that, “Cows should be slaughtered to demonstrate the supremacy of Islam. The performance of this rite is, in India, the most important symbol of Islamic domination. One should refrain from dealing with the infidels unless absolutely necessary, and even then treat them with contempt. Islam and infidelity are two irreconcilable opposites. One thrives upon the degradation of the other.”

Ahmad Sirhindi’s exhortation to the Muslims that “infidels” should be treated with contempt is echoed in what a modern-day Maulvi of a mosque “built with foreign funding” in Punjab (Pakistan) told Pakistani writer Jamshed Iqbal.

In an article in Urdu (whose Devanagari transcript can be read here) published in September 2018 in Pakistani online magazine HumSub, Jamshed Iqbal describes how the Maulvi and his cohorts psychologically manipulated Darpan, a bubbly Hindu young man in Punjab (Pakistan), into believing that he would never get any respect from the Muslim majority unless he converted to Islam, which he eventually did.

“Not mingling with non-Muslims and avoiding eating with them has a clear advantage: they would never feel respected unless, of course, they converted,” the Maulvi tells Jamshed Iqbal in a confidential tone.

Extending the “facility” of respect to the non-Muslims before they converted would not make them realize the “benefit” of becoming a Muslim, the Maulvi suggested.

Interestingly, while Ahmad Sirhindi is celebrated as a ‘Sufi’, the Maulvi featured in Jamshed Iqbal’s article appears to be a Wahhabi.

What is common between a ‘Sufi’ Muslim of the 16th century and a ‘Wahhabi’ Muslim of the modern times is Islam and obligatory Islamic hatred for the ‘Kafir’ and the ‘Mushrik’.
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Tuesday, 17 December 2019

Here's a sampling of some of the India-and-'Hindu'-specific 'peace literature' produced in Canada!

The following are some excerpts of the 'peace literature' concerning India and 'Hindus' produced in Canada. Imagine if anything of this kind concerning Canada were to be produced in India!
But then hate-mongering, bigoted 'Hindus' have hardly any capacity to produce 'peace literature' the way the enlightened 'West' has!
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BRITISH occupied India from the hands of Muslims. 
Although Indian public including Hindus resisted British power in the beginning, a special interest group of high class Hindu with the support of British Raj emerged. They made Muslims’ social and religious life miserable. The attack on Islam, its culture, practices and its respected personalities from Western orientalists and new Hindu revivalists became rampant.
On one hand, British writers wrote several books and novels to disgrace Islam and Prophet Muhammad, on the other hand, they supported Hindu revival movements, organizations, and personalities to do the same task. 
One of such organizations was Arya Samaj. Swami Dayanand Sarswati (b. 1824, d. 1883, real name Mul Shankar), a native of Gujrat, founded the organization in Bombay. He authored and published a book Satyarth Prakash in which he disgraced Prophet Muhammad with his derogatory and humiliating remarks. 
He supported aggressive and violent approach to impose Hinduism in India. His slogan was “Hindustan (India) for Hindus (only)”.
He started a movement to ban cows from slaughter as Hindus believe cow is like their mother goddess. His hate speeches and slogans against Islam and Muslims ignited communal tension and riots all over India.
After Sarswati’s death, his hate movement was carried out by the leaders like Lala Hansraj (b.1864, d.1938), Pandit Gurudatt Vidhyarthi (1864-1890), Lala Lajpat Rai (1865-1928), and Swami Shardhanand (1856-1926). This movement led to communal riots between Hindus and Muslims in India where people of all faiths had been living peacefully for centuries. 
In fact, Arya Samaji movement is the founder of religious aggression and terrorism in India. After Utter Pardesh (UP), Swami’s supporters got major root in Punjab. His followers’ numbers had reached more than one hundred thousand.
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The teachings of these hate monger religious leaders created an environment where Muslims couldn’t leave peacefully. These teachings were reflected in the literatures produced by Hindu authors. For example, in a famous novel Anand Nath, the author Bankim Chandra Chatterjee (1838–1894) encourages children of Kaali Maata (brave goddess mother) to clean “unclean” Muslims.
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Another important hate personality was Bal Ganga Dhar Tilak (b. 1856, d 1920), born in Brahmin family. He was basically a political leader but all his politics was for religious aggressiveness against Islam and Muslims. 
He claimed himself as a torch bearer of Bhagwat Geeta (a Hindu religious book) and Shivajee (a Hindu Maratha leader, b.1630, d.1680). According to him, the teachings of Shiwa and Bhagwat Geeta are to end your enemy as you can use any tactics and ploy. 
According to him, Shivajee did an excellent job by killing a Muslim General Afzal Khan (d. 1659) by deceiving him in a meeting for peace.
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Ghazi Abdur Rasheed Shaheed had been continuously thinking of how to settle a score with Swami Shardhanand. On December 23, 1926, Abdur Rasheed went straight to his residence and, using his pistol, he silenced Shardhanand for forever. 
(Blasphemy of the Prophet (in British India)-2, By Syed Jawed Anwar, 03 Sep. 2018, As-Seerah.com)
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Muslims can tolerate anything, any kind of oppression on them on their family, on their children, deprivation of all the amenities of life, and this world. And they are tolerating everywhere. 
Their nations have been bombed, destroyed, occupied, and tens of millions were forced to leave their homes worldwide. But they never overreacted. But whenever someone insults Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him, the most beloved person of Muslims), they always reacted, they get revenge, and they will be ready for getting even. 
They can’t control their sentiments. The word “tolerance” doesn’t apply here. Enough will be enough. It has been proven in history again and again. Whenever someone dishonored and insulted Prophet Muhammad, Muslims always first tried to convince them not to do that. 
But if they didn’t abstain and ignored the collective demand of Muslims, some young blood came forward and scored. In the non-Muslim world, the courts convicted and hanged them, but in the eyes of Muslims, they were always veterans and martyrs.  
(Blasphemy of the Prophet: Right to Revenge-1, By Syed Jawed Anwar, 29 Aug. 2018, As-Seerah.com)
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The blog As-Seerah.com is established;
To introduce the “man”, mercy upon mankind, Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him).
The English language is seriously lacking in this knowledge as very few books and a few articles are available in this language.
As-Seerah.com intends to produce highly rich contents of Seerah in English for the North American audience.
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Seerah West, Inc.
2 Thorncliffe Park Dr. Unit # 46
Toronto, ON M4H 1H2
Canada
Tel: (416) 568-8190
E mail: jawed@seerahwest.com
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Syed Jawed Anwar is the founder of the Islamic Party of Ontario, journalist and the president and owner of Seerah West, Inc.
He had been publisher and chief editor of Muslims Weekly, New York, USA from 1999 to 2006 and publisher and managing editor of Monthly Datalog, Karachi, Pakistan from 1988 to 1997.
He has written hundreds of articles, columns, reports and feature stories in English and Urdu published in Dawat (Delhi) and several newspapers from India, Jasarat (Karachi), Takbeer (Karachi), Jang (Karachi), Dawn (Karachi), The News (Karachi), Datalog (Karachi), Pakistan Post (New York), Pakistan News (New York), Muslim Observer (Detroit), Pakistan Link (California), Muslims Weekly (New York), Aafaq (Toronto), Pakeezah International (Toronto), and various others. 
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Islamic Republic of India where pure terrorism is 'law'

A love lyric, a ballad, a legend, an opera, an epic: there are many descriptions of the dhola, a genre of Punjabi folk music. It was through a dhola that a young Hanif Shaikh first learnt about Ilamdin, the 21-year-old carpenter’s apprentice who murdered the Hindu publisher of a “scurrilous” pamphlet about Prophet Muhammad (may peace be upon him). 
Rajpal had already escaped two attempts on his life when, on an April afternoon in 1929, Ilamdin stabbed him eight times inside his bookshop in Lahore, relenting only when hapless bystanders began flinging books at him. 
Executed six months later – his final appeal fought famously by one Muhammad Ali Jinnah – Ilamdin grew into a folk hero of sorts, inspiring popular accounts of his exploits in many formats: film, poetry, prose and what can only be described as fan fiction. 
In the 1970s, an unabashedly hagiographic biopic titled Ghazi Ilamdin Shaheed hit cinemas, directed by Rasheed Dogar whose later credits would include the salaciously titled Pyasa Badan, Husn Parast and Madam X. When Shaikh went to watch Ghazi Ilamdin Shaheed, he wept.
Shaikh is something of an authority on Ilamdin. He wrote an extensive account of the young vigilante’s life, tracking down his family home in Lahore’s Mohalla Sirian Wala. Originally named after the siris (slaughtered animals’ heads) sold there, it was later rechristened Mohalla Sarfaroshan to commemorate Ilamdin’s bravery. 
He recounts meeting Ilamdin’s bhabhi, sister-in-law, who reportedly cooked sweetened rice to celebrate the assassination of Rajpal. 
With equal familiarity and fondness, Shaikh lists other men who took the law into their hands: Abdul Rasheed, who stabbed the Arya Samaj missionary and shuddhi (reconversion) advocate Swami Shraddhanand in Delhi in 1926; Abdul Qayyum, who, in 1932, attacked a Hindu leader, Nathu Ram, in Karachi while he was in court on trial over a provocative book on Islam; Mureed Hussain, who murdered a Hindu veterinarian in 1935 in Palwal town of Gurganw district, now in Haryana, India, because he had named a donkey after a beloved Muslim figure. 
Shaikh has written books on all of them; he is a bit of an expert on this particular brand of the subcontinental ghazi. But when the conversation turns (inevitably) to Mumtaz Qadri, the security guard who, in January 2011, pumped 28 bullets into Salmaan Taseer, the governor of Punjab at the time, he hesitates, looking troubled.
“If someone were to actually insult the Prophet, I’m afraid even I might not spare him. But Taseer didn’t blaspheme, not really — he only criticised the law.”
Shaikh, whose real name is something else, so wary is he even of musing out loud on this subject, has been thinking about this lately, this creeping expansion of what constitutes blasphemy. 
Suppose someone who cannot read, buys food from a street side stall, suppose what he buys is wrapped in newspaper which has the name of the Prophet written on it. If the wrapper is thrown away, wonders Shaikh, if the person who cannot read unthinkingly tosses it into the trash — insult would have occurred, but without intent.
“That isn’t blasphemy,” he says. “Is it?” 
[Acts of faith: Why people get killed over blasphemy in Pakistan; by Alizeh Kohari, The Herald monthly (Dawn Media Group), 14 Jul 2019]
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A book, Rangila Rasul, was published in 1927. The book concerned the marriages and sex life of Muhammad. On the basis of a complaint, the publisher was arrested but later acquitted in April 1929 because there was no law against insult to religion. 
The publisher was murdered in Court by Ilamdin. As a result, Ilamdin was honored with the honorifics 'Ghazi' and 'Shaheed'.
As the book did not cause enmity or hatred between different religious communities, it didn't violate Section 153(A). The Indian Muslim community demanded a law against insult to religious feelings. 
Hence, the British Government enacted Section 295(A). 
The Select Committee before enactment of the law, stated in its report that the purpose was to punish persons who indulge in wanton vilification or attacks upon other religions or their religious figures. It however added that a writer might insult a religion to facilitate social reform by grabbing attention. Therefore it recommended that the words with deliberate and malicious intention be inserted in the Section.
(Legislative history of Section 295(A) of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) enacted in 1927, Wikipedia)
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Kamlesh Tiwari (died 18 October 2019) was a Hindu nationalist politician who founded the Hindu Samaj Party in 2017.
When Samajwadi Party politician Azam Khan made fun of members of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), suggesting they were homosexuals, Tiwari retaliated by stating that Muhammad was the first homosexual. 
Tiwari's comment was considered derogatory by thousands of Indian Muslims who protested and demanded a death penalty for Tiwari. He was arrested, charged under National Security Act, and jailed for a few months by the Uttar Pradesh Police.
In October 2019, he was murdered at his house in Lucknow.
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THE FATHER of H. Farook, the atheist who was murdered in Coimbatore 10 days ago, allegedly by members of a Muslim radical group, has said that if his son was killed for his views, he too would become an atheist.
(Tamil Nadu youth killed for being an atheist, The Indian Express, Chennai, 27 March 2017)
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Hindu temple set on fire in Pakistan over blasphemy
(Reuters, 16 March 2014)
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Blasphemy charge against local vet triggers violent anti-Hindu riot in Pakistan
(RT, 28 May 2019)
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An unruly mob on Sunday ransacked “three temples, a school and multiple houses belonging to the Hindu community” after a principal was accused of blasphemy by a student in Ghotki, Sindh.
The violence took place after a First Information Report was registered against the principal of Sindh Public School which accused him of committing blasphemy. The case was filed under Article 295-C  and accused the principal of committing blasphemy on the school’s premises.
Videos showing a frenzied mob venting their anger on a Hindu temple and the Sindh Public School in reaction to the alleged incident of blasphemy were making rounds on social media.
According to reports, houses of Hindu families have also been reportedly attacked, with the mob blocking off roads in the area.
Residents of the area demanded the police to arrest the principal, and issued a call for a shutterdown strike and took to the streets in protest.
Large contingents of law enforcement agencies and paramilitary forces, including Sindh Rangers, were deployed to prevent any untoward incident.
(Ghotki mob runs amok after Hindu principal accused of blasphemy, Pakistan Today, 16 September 2019)
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To present the pinnacle of this demonisation discourse, I want to provide an excerpt of one of Hanif Qureshi’s speeches delivered only a few days before Taseer’s assassination. Hanif Qureshi is a famous na'at singer and Barelvi preacher who had viciously condemned Taseer for his public support of Asia Bibi. Mumtaz Qadri eventually revealed that Qureshi’s engaging sermons incited him to murder the governor. The following speech is an example of how Qureshi conjured hostility against Salman Taseer.
Listen, we are the heirs of Ghazi Murid Hussain Shaheed, we are the heirs of Ghazi Ilmuddin Shaheed, we are the lovers of Ghazi Abdul Qayyum Shaheed’s soul, we are the lovers and followers of Ghazi Abdul Rasheed Shaheed. Don’t you know that we say openly that we are not afraid of anything! 
If the law in our country does not call for the death penalty for a blasphemer, for 295-C, then Allah gave us the power that we take the weapons in our own hands. We know how to shoot a gun, or how to cut a blasphemer’s throat. … 
Are we Sunnis not able to do this? Remove the cowardice from yourself! Allah has given us so much power and courage. We can strangle the blasphemer, we can cut his tongue, we can dismember his body with bullets. No law can catch us! 
The punishment for blasphemy is death! The punishment for blasphemy is death! The punishment for blasphemy is death! Somebody who insults the prophet has no right to live. [Crowd chanting in the back: We are the servants of the Prophet. In the servitude of the Prophet we also accept death. Without the Prophet’s love life is in vain.]
(Outrage: The Rise of Religious Offence in Contemporary South Asia, edited by Paul Rollier and others, published in 2019 by UCL Press)
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Saturday, 14 December 2019

Hindu/Sikh refugees from Afghanistan, ethnic cleansing, and decoloniality

One of the curiosities of Vikaspuri neighbourhood of West Delhi, where I lived from Dec. 2009 to June 2013, was the sight of shalwar-kameez-clad men that I learnt were Sikh/Hindu refugees from Afghanistan who fled their country after it fell to Taliban in 1996. 

Most were turbaned Sikhs; a few were without turbans.

I think I began to see them quite frequently only after I moved from C Block of Vikaspuri to H Block.

Once a shalwar-kameez-clad, middle-aged man (without turban) passing through a lane near my house on a cycle-rickshaw called me and spoke earnestly in what sounded like Pashto (or Dari). 

He was probably asking for direction and mistook me for someone from his community. It seemed he couldn't speak Hindi or English, which was surprising.

The sight of these men would stir something inside me. Their clothing wasn't altogether unfamiliar to me; my grandfather (and most of the men his age in my extended family) wore the same kind until he died in 1992.

My elders might have looked like them when they came to this city as refugees of India's Partition in 1947. 

(According to this article, Delhi took in nearly half a million 'Hindu/Sikh' refugees from the territories that became Pakistan in months before and after August 1947.) 

Months after I moved to the H Block I discovered a couple of lanes behind my house a Tandoor Wallah who had been set up by those Sikh/Hindu Afghani refugees. This Tandoor Wallah only made huge Afghani rotis and nothing else. (They are soft and tasty, inexpensive, and just two are more than enough for three adults.)

Vikaspuri's Budhela area, whose marketplace gives you a quaintly warm and snug feeling, had another curiosity for me: a substantial settlement of what I thought were people from the North-East of India. 

It was only after I moved out of Vikaspuri that I learnt that those people were actually Burmese refugees settled in India. I remember reading somewhere that Aung San Suu Kyi visited the settlement in Vikaspuri and addressed the Burmese refugees when she was in India in November 2012.

It's very recently that I learnt that UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) runs a 'reception and registration centre' in Vikaspuri neighbourhood of Delhi.

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Delhi has long been the city of refugees -- a lot of them being victims of ethnic cleansing carried out in territories colonized by Islam.

(I believe the modern-day concept of 'metropolis' was born in the matrix of Western colonialism and imperialism and its Judeo-Christianity-inspired ethnocidal make-up. 'Metropole' is a word which means the capital city of a colonial-imperial power, considered in relation to its colonies.

Both Judeo-Christianity and Islam, the two paramount ethnocidal colonizers of the world, use deracination in their own ways as a means to undermine or destroy cultural autonomy and freedom. Someday I hope to write more on this subject.

India needs a huge dose of decoloniality if it is to come out of the fraud and falsehood of colonial-imperial knowledge system. Currently, absolutely no discourse takes place in India that's outside the false and fraudulent conceptual framework of the colonial-imperial powers.)

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Deepanshu Sangwan is a young 'vlogger' from Delhi (originally from Haryana) who has been travelling the world since Feb. 2017, making videos of his travels (with Hindi commentary) and posting them on YouTube.

Watch this video of his travel to Afghanistan in which he visits a Sikh and Hindu community of Kabul and interacts with them.

The 19-minute video gives great insights into the miseries of the shrinking community of Sikhs and Hindus in Afghanistan as well as into the troubled life of their kindred community in Pakistan.

The video was published on 29 July 2019.
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Thursday, 12 December 2019

The special privilege of being Muslim in India: 'Everything yours must be mine too, but what I've appropriated for myself can never be yours'

Nayyara Noor is a Pakistani playback singer who is considered one of South Asia's popular film songs playback singer and a stage performer.

She was born in 1950 in Guwahati, Assam, northeastern India, and spent her early childhood there.

Her family and ancestors, belonging to a merchant class, were long settled in Assam having migrated from Amritsar, in Punjab.

Her father was an active member of the All-India Muslim League, and had hosted Pakistan's founding father Muhammad Ali Jinnah during his trip to Assam before the partition in 1947

In 1957 or 1958, Noor with her mother and siblings migrated from India to Pakistan, settling in Karachi. However, her father stayed back in Assam until 1993 to look after the family's immovable properties.

As a child, Nayyara is said to have been inspired by the bhajans of Kanan Devi and Kamla as well as the ghazals and thumris of Begum Akhtar.
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Mahmud Hussain [born 1907 Farrukhabad (UP), died 1975 Karachi] was a Pakistani academic, educationist, and politician, credited with pioneering the study of social sciences in Pakistan.
A supporter of the Pakistan Movement, he was a member of the country's first Constituent Assembly. 

He was appointed Minister of State for both Defence and Foreign Affairs in 1949, and later served as Minister for Education from 1952 to 1953, when he quit politics over the assembly's dissolution.
Returning to academia, Husain taught as visiting professor at Heidelberg University and Columbia University during the 1960s. 

He served as vice-chancellor of Dhaka University from 1960 to 1963, and of Karachi University from 1967 until his death in 1975. A proponent of greater rights for East Pakistan, now Bangladesh, Hussain emerged a vocal but unsuccessful critic of Pakistan's military action in 1971.

Mahmud Hussain was the younger brother of Zakir Hussain (1897-1969) who became the third President of India. 

As member of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, Mahmud Hussain supported the Objectives Resolution which permanently implanted Islam into the structure of Pakistani state, turning 'Hindus' and other non-Muslims into second-class citizens. 

(Presented in the Constituent Assembly on 07 March 1949, the Objectives Resolution was bitterly opposed by the 'Hindu' members of the assembly who deemed it a violation of Jinnah’s 11 August speech.)

Pakistani-Swedish academic Ishtiaq Ahmed points out that EVERY Muslim member of the Constituent Assembly supported the Objectives Resolution, including a "Leftist" Miyan Iftikharuddin.

(That is to say not a SINGLE Muslim member of Pakistan's Constituent Assembly actually stood up to oppose a measure that permanently curtailed the full rights and freedoms of the non-Muslims.)
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Sher Ali Khan of Pataudi [born 1913 in Pataudi (part of present-day Haryana, died 2002 in Lahore) was a Pakistani military general who commanded Pakistan's 14 (Parachute) Brigade during the 1947 Kashmir War in which action he was awarded the first Hilal-i-Jurat of Pakistan.

He was appointed Adjutant General of the Pakistan Army and later served as the Chief of General Staff. He also served in the cabinet of General Yahya Khan as Federal Minister for Information, Broadcasting and National Affairs 1969 –71.

One of his sons, Isfandiyar Ali Khan Pataudi, was the commander of the Pakistan Army's 25th Mechanized Division and Deputy Director-General of Pakistan's intelligence agency, the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI).

Isfandiyar Ali Khan came very close to becoming the chief of ISI in the year 2012.

Sher Ali Khan is a member of the ‘Pataudi family’. He was the second son of ‘Nawab’ Ibrahim Ali Khan of Pataudi.

His nephew is Indian cricketer Mansoor Ali Khan Pataudi (1941-2011) and great-nephew is Bollywood actor Saif Ali Khan.

[Another well-known Pakistani related to the ‘Pataudi family’ is diplomat Shahryar Khan (born 1934 in Bhopal) who became Foreign Secretary of Pakistan in 1990, and remained so until his retirement from service in 1994. Shahryar Khan has also served as the chairman of Pakistan Cricket Board.)

Sher Ali Khan is well known to have absolved the Pakistani army of the genocide it carried out in East Pakistan which precipitated the region’s secession from Pakistan and creation of Bangladesh in 1971.

He also refused to call the conflict a war, because according to him, the army was never in a position to conduct a war in East Pakistan, writes Germany-based scholar Manuel Uebersax in his dissertation, "The Other Battlefield: Construction and Representation of the Pakistani Military 'Self' in the Field of Military Autobiographical Narrative Production"

Instead Sher Ali Khan blamed India for the secession of East Pakistan.

In his memoirs ‘The Story of Soldiering and Politics in India and Pakistan’ (published 1978), Sher Ali Khan wrote the following.

“The blame for all this fell squarely on the shoulders of the poor Army whose only fault was that it obeyed all and any orders given to it in keeping with the traditions that it had inherited – implicit obeying of orders, in keeping with the highest standards of discipline. As a result of the bungling by a few Seniors on the top it suffered humiliation at the hands of the Indian Army in December 1971 – which some call defeat but I don’t. Because as far as I am concerned, there was no war. The Pakistan Army was ordered to go to the aid of the civil power in suppressing the secessionist element in the sovereign territory of Pakistan. This secessionist element was being aided by India from across the border. The Army's main task was to seal the border and stop infiltration from the Indian side. Pakistan Army has never been in a position to conduct war in the Eastern part of Pakistan” (p. 383).

Sher Ali Khan was also responsible for Islamic indoctrination of the Pakistan military during Yahya Khan’s rule and concocting the concept of ‘Ideology of Pakistan,’ as pointed out by Husain Haqqani in his book ‘Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military’.

Husain Haqqani cites Delhi-born A.R. Siddiqi (who served as head of Pakistani military's public relations arm ISPR from 1967 to 1973) as writing that "Sher Ali Khan took the regime to the point of no return on the road to ideological involvement".

"He went from place to place preaching and pontificating about the Islamic ideology. He even talked of his personal relationship with Allah with whom he has been on a direct line five times a day without anybody's help or assistance." 

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Thursday, 5 December 2019

The Great Indian 'Pre-School' Scam


Good move by Haryana government if it's actually carried through. (I seriously doubt though that it will be carried through.)

The so called 'pre-school' (nursery, KG, LKG, etc.), which 'educated' Indians have long started to call 'school', was never a 'school' -- nor anything remotely sensible or socially useful. It was always a massive scam, a fraud, and a socially destructive practice!

Private school racketeers advanced the age of 'school' entry by cunningly associating early years of childhood with 'school' in order to create a multi-billion rupee market for themselves. 

I think their politician friends facilitated this scam by encouraging the 'Great Middle Class Exodus' from government to private schools (which began in early 1990s), thus massively inflating a private captive market.

(It shouldn't take extraordinary intelligence to understand that a 'school' -- which in its present-day, colonial-imperial avatar is itself hugely problematic concept -- ought to start when a family/community thinks it ought to start.)

The people have fallen for this deception because they are increasingly cut off from their family/community support and their lives are increasingly at the mercy of the so called 'market forces'.

In the yearly mad rush for 'nursery' admissions in Delhi, for instance, people have been hoodwinked into believing that they are actually securing a place for their child in a 'good' private school. No one is allowed to think, 'Hey wait a minute. The 'school' doesn't start until age five. How come a 'school' is doing almost all the 'admissions' before that age. And how come 'pre-school' is being run by 'school'. Isn't that a scam!

This 'pre-school' nonsense shows that we as a society have reduced ourselves to a captive dufferdom (and our children to zombies).

As 'community' shrinks, 'market' grows.

People in a shrinking 'community' are like fish out of water -- easy prey to the 'market' predators.

The 'pre-school' scam is a lovely example of weakening 'community' and strengthening 'market'.

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Haryana mulls shutting down pre-primary classes in private schools

There are about 8500 private schools across Haryana those admit children in pre-primary classes.
(The Indian Express, Chandigarh, 05 Dec. 2019)
Citing “ill-effects on mental ability of children” and in the absence of adequate clarity in the School Education Rules of Haryana on admissions to pre-primary classes in private schools, Haryana School Education department is mulling on the possibility of shutting down Nursery, LKG and UKG classes in private schools across the state.
These are the days, when most of the private schools across the state begin the process of admissions to pre-primary classes. There are about 8500 private schools across Haryana those admit children in pre-primary classes.
While Haryana’s education minister said that “pre-primary admissions will be stopped in private schools from the next session, after studying it’s practical aspects and a decision has been taken by the school education department”, the officials of the Haryana school education department told The Indian Express that “no such decision to shut down Nursery or pre-primary classes have been taken, as yet”.
Talking to The Indian Express, Haryana’s Education Minister Kanwar Pal, said, “The School Education department has taken the decision that since it affects child’s mental abilities and growth patterns when the child is admitted in these classes at an early age, thus the department has decided not to allow admissions in these classes in private institutions. We shall be implementing it from the next session, if the admissions are not being held as per rules and regulations.”
Further replying to the queries of The Indian Express, the minister added, “As such the rules allow admissions from Class 1 onwards, till Class 12 in the schools. There are set guidelines. Thus, the admissions will be held accordingly”.
Talking about the practicality and ground impact of such a decision, if taken, Kanwar Pal said, “We shall see, how feasible it is. The practicality of the decision shall also be examined, before it is implemented”.
Senior officers of the Education Department, however, said that there was “no such decision of closing down Nursery classes in private schools has been taken, as yet, by the department”.
Calling it a “confusion”, and describing what transpired, Vandana Disodia, Additional Director (Elementary Education, Haryana), said, “Actually, on June 10, there was a complaint lodged by Brijpal Singh Parmar, who runs a NGO in Bhiwani alleging that the recognised private schools cannot admit children in pre-primary classes, as it was against the rules and regulations. The same complaint was moved to Woman and Child Department, as well. From there, a reference came to the School Education Department to look into the issue. The Directorate of Elementary Education further marked the complaint’s reference to all the district elementary education officers with a copy back to Woman and Child Department, asking them to take action as per rules and regulations and also intimate the Directorate on the action taken. Now, this reference is being circulated on social media. But, no such decision to shut down Nursery classes, has been taken, as yet.”.
Another senior officer told The Indian Express, “Right to Education, RTE Act, is applicable from Class 1 onwards. There is an issue that these schools are not affiliated as far as admissions to the pre-primary classes are concerned. They had been seeking the same for a long time. Rather, the government is contemplating on granting affiliation to these institutions by amending certain provisions”.
The complainant in the case, Brijpal Singh Parmar, said, “In June, this year, I had lodged a complaint with the Education Department, but they did not initiate any action. Earlier also, the Haryana School Education Department had been claiming that they did not have anything to do with pre-primary admissions done by these private schools since it does not fall in their purview. Then, I filed a RTI with the Education department to know the status of my complaint, in response of which the department told me that they have taken a decision to shut down pre-primary classes in private schools”.
Kulbhushan Sharma, national president, National Independent Schools Association, called the Haryana government’s move “completely absurd”.
“The New Education Draft is yet pending, which is likely to be finalised in a few months. For several years, this dispute between the private schools and government had been going on. There are thousands of female teachers who teach in pre-primary classes. If the classes are shut, where will these teachers go? It is government’s job to generate employment or snatch it? Without studying its impact, how can any government take such irresponsible and absurd decisions? What if a couple is transferred to a neighbouring state, in that case their child who is not studying in pre-primary class in Haryana, where will such a child go? The child would have already crossed the eligible age to be admitted in a pre-primary class in the neighbouring state, does it mean the child continues to feel deprived just because he was born in Haryana?”
Sharma added, “I heard that one government officer has said that Aanganwaris’ standards shall be upgraded to accommodate such students. When the government, till date, has not been able to upgrade the standards of government schools, how can they even think of talking about Aanganwaris’ standard upgradation. Why don’t they first upgrade their infrastructure and then think about taking such steps”.
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Wednesday, 23 October 2019

My impressions of the Kathua case


Centred on the alleged 'abduction, rape and murder' of an eight-year-old girl in Kathua district of Jammu region of J&K, 'Justice for Asifa' was an outright communal campaign conducted in April 2018 by some ill-motivated and self-righteous celebrities and media personalities.

The propagandists were quite successful in whipping up a frenzy of disgust and loathing among the sections of the Indian public as well as the 'international audience' for whatever is alleged and advertised to be an instance of "Hindu communalism".

The campaign was based on some glaring falsehoods, such as equating the very reasonable demand for a CBI investigation into the alleged crime with "siding with the rapists".

The 'Justice for Asifa' campaign is a lovely example of how Indian media and prominent media personalities openly engage in viciously communal reportage, commentary and propaganda campaigns day in, day out and get away with it. 

Being directed against all that can be stuck with the label 'Hindu,' this routine and virulent communalism has been given carte blanche and absolute impunity in India.

On Tuesday, a court in J&K ordered that six members of the police team that investigated the case be booked on charges of torturing witnesses and forcing them to give false testimonies.

In June 2019, six out of the seven accused were convicted by sessions judge Pathankot. Vishal Jangotra was acquitted.

I understand the convicted have appealed against their convictions.

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I had an opportunity in late July 2019 to read a critical commentary on the case, skim through the 415-page judgement of the sessions judge, and to see some of the reportage of the case that I had not seen before.

It was part of an exercise to render some help to the person who wrote that critical commentary which he/she planned to develop into a book. 

It involved writing my impressions of the case which I found to be a very dubious case despite the six convictions.

The following are those impressions that I wrote on 2nd August 2019.

I have redacted the name of the person who wrote the critical commentary because I am not sure about the appropriateness of citing his/her name and yet unpublished work.

His/her name appears in my commentary as 'Abcd'.

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Having gone through the manuscript of Abcd’s work on ‘Kathua rape and murder’ case as well as the trial court’s record of the case and the verdict dated 10 June 2019, I give here my broad impressions about the case.

Since I am not a lawyer, this write-up cannot be a legal evaluation of the merits of the case against the accused or the decision of the sessions judge Pathankot.

It’s simply my understanding of a case about which I first learnt in April 2018 on Twitter and which I subsequently followed keenly for several weeks on the same social media platform.

When this news took the media by storm in April 2018, I was not plugged into the broader context of the case, namely the prevailing tension and antagonism between PDP (the party then governing J&K in coalition with BJP) and the ‘Hindu’ residents of Jammu who were agitated by this case as well as a number of other issues.

Months after the media campaign on Kathua case in April 2018, I watched a video of Ankur Sharma in which he explained the virulently Islamist nature of the J&K government and why the non-Muslim residents of the state felt cornered and under attack.

I agreed then and continue to agree with Ankur Sharma’s conclusions because they were in sync with my own findings, namely that the colonial DNA of the Indian state itself is primarily ‘Abrahamic’ in nature. I have written, for instance, in as yet unpublished work about the fact that Section 295A of IPC has origins in Islamic terror.

What was impossible to miss in the media campaign in April 2018 was its maliciously communal nature. I maintain that whatever be the ultimate outcome of the court case, what was mustered in April 2018 was openly communal hysteria against the ‘Hindus’ of Jammu in particular and ‘Hindus’ in general.

An outright communal and hysterical campaign was the first giveaway that things were probably not what they were made out to be.

I also found it difficult to understand then and still do as to what exactly makes the demand for a CBI inquiry equal to ‘supporting the rapists and murderers’ even though I can’t vouch for the exact nature of the agitation that the ‘Hindu’ side in Jammu engaged in and the role played therein by the BJP minister or legislators.

What added to my suspicions subsequently was the unravelling of Talib Hussain from being projected as one of the ‘heroes’ of ‘Justice for Asifa’ campaign to the one involved in cases of rape and violence.

By the time I saw reports that Vishal Jangotra was likely to have been present hundreds of km away from the scene of the crime when the crime is supposed to have been committed, I did expect for a while that the entire case might gradually fall apart by more such revelations.

So the 10th June verdict of the sessions court came as a surprise to me because the judge convicted all the accused except one.

Since the most probing of the mainstream media coverage hasn’t gone beyond showing some material attesting to Vishal Jangotra’s alibi, the 10th June verdict has been something of a dead end for all those like me who believe that the entire ‘Kathua rape and murder’ is most likely an act of malicious frame-up based on false accusations.

The material that I have seen here therefore fills the information vacuum left by the mainstream media. Along with reading this material I have also seen a few videos of the JK Media that – I discovered – has been presenting the side of the 'Hindu' community directly affected by this case.

I found Abcd’s critique of the case and the verdict convincing enough.

The following are some salient points that come to my mind after reading his/her critique followed by a reading of the judgement.

1.    I think the prosecution has built its entire case – and the judge has predicated his entire verdict – on the theory that there were irredeemably acrimonious relations between Sanji Ram and his community on the one hand and Mumamad Yousuf and Bakarwals on the other.

The theory, which they have sought to bolster by citing 11 FIRs on instances of bad blood between the two sides, has allowed the prosecution and the judge to stick the label of ‘circumstantial evidence’ to whatever material was adduced in the court.

None of those 11 FIRs pertain to Rasana village, but they nevertheless have been deemed to be the solid peg on which a crime of the alleged nature can be hung.

Thus the entire case has been built as a crime motivated by communal hatred, which eventually allowed the judge to gloss over apparent fabrications in the charge-sheet and infirmities in the prosecution’s case.

The agitation of the local Hindu community in the initial months of 2018 might unfortunately have aided the police and the prosecution in laying this basis.

[I recall, for instance, watching a video clip in which Sanji Ram upon his surrender to the police tells a Muslim TV reporter on camera that ‘If they (Bakarwals) can be so damaging in minority, imagine what will they do to us when their numbers swell’. This Muslim TV reporter then turns to the camera and maliciously tells the viewers something to the effect, ‘Here’s the mastermind of the rape of an innocent child not content yet and still expressing hatred for his victims’.]

Was the Defence able to counter the theory of acrimonious relations to show that the ties between local Dogra community and the Bakarwals were, after all, not so bad as to push a respectable Hindu family down to the level of brutalizing an innocent child in order to strike fear among the nomadic group?

It doesn’t appear so.

Abcd’s treatment of this aspect of the case in her manuscript also does not appear to me to be commensurate to the weight that the prosecution and the Judge Tejwinder Singh have given to the same.

2.    Abcd’s manuscript says the police submitted two charge-sheets, the first depicting Shubham Sangra (who is a juvenile) alone committing the crime and the second telling an implausible tale of Sanji Ram hatching a ‘conspiracy’ with ever more bizarre additions of dramatis personae.

Is it legally permissible to submit a charge-sheet that presents an entirely different narrative from the one contained in the first charge-sheet without withdrawing the previous one?

I don’t know, but this exercise clearly points to the probability that the J&K government decided as an afterthought that it wanted to implicate an entire community through this case.

This afterthought must have necessitated the implication of policemen Anand Dutta and Tilak Raj both of whom were earlier part of the investigating team.

So it seems that the prosecution ‘explained’ the two conflicting narratives by telling the judge that Anand Dutta and Tilak Raj misled the investigation which resulted in the first narrative – and that when their complicity was discovered the second narrative supplanted the first one.

3.    Abcd’s manuscript makes the point that the Devasthan was much in the nature of any frequently visited temple which could hardly admit of the commission, without discovery, of the heinous crimes of illegal confinement, drugging and sexual assault.

However, the court file shows that the prosecution and the judge have been successful in showing the Davsathan to be a place quite unlike a bustling temple.

The responses that Bhagmal Khajuria (Satura village Sarpanch), Bishan Dass Sharma (resident of Rasana), and Monica Sharma made to the judge’s questions depict the Devasthan as a rather secluded place that’s hardly used for any frequent social gathering.

How does one explain that the Defence had nothing substantial to prove that Devsathan was actually being used for the festivals of Lohri and Makar Sankranti, and Kirtan, etc., and was indeed a place not conducive to the commission of a heinous crime?

It’s ironical that the people behind the ‘Justice for Asifa’ campaign in April 2018 made the Devasthan the central element in their attempt to evoke public disgust and loathing, projecting the building as any other Hindu temple. They were thus quite successful in linking ‘Hindu’ iconography with a heinous crime, evoking the image of a new ‘low’ in ‘Hindu communalism’.

In the trial court, however, the same Devasthan turns out to be hardly a Hindu temple, and more like a disused store-room.

4.    I haven’t quite understood the status of Shubham Sangra’s ‘confession’ in the sessions court Pathankot. Was it permissible for the Defence to call him to testify?

Has Shubham Sangra retracted his ‘confession’ at the juvenile justice board or pleaded that he signed it under duress? If he has not retracted his ‘confession,’ does it not mean that the case is closed to the extent that someone from Sanji Ram’s family was indeed involved in the crime (even though a number of other accused might have been falsely implicated)?

How will Shubham Sangra’s case at the Juvenile Justice Board affect the case against the other seven accused – (given the fact that he is allegedly the central character in the commission of the alleged abduction, illegal confinement, drugging, rape and murder)?

5.    The court file does not, in any way, explain to me as to what were the contents of the CDR (call detail records) and how did they help the prosecution’s narrative.

6.    The forensic reports pertaining to drugging, murder and rape are also not clear to me. So I regard them as dubious. How do these forensic reports prove that it was indeed Shubham Sangra who killed the girl?

I understand that the forensic examination could not find any signs of semen; the PM examination leading to the conclusion that the girl was indeed raped in not clear to me.

Is there a legal test to establish sexual assault in such cases? Was that applied to this case?

Were the sedatives, including the Ayurvedic concoction, potent enough to produce prolonged sedation? Not convincing at all.

7.    I have found nothing in the case file that explains the money trail from Sanji Ram to Anand Dutta. Was any of the bribe money recovered? Was the police able to establish Sanji Ram’s source of funds by, say, tracing the records of withdrawal of money from a bank? Was it able to find any such records at Anand Dutta’s end.

8.    The ease with which the judge accepts the testimony of the Zee TV regarding Vishal Jangotra’s alibi – which actually damages the entire narrative of the prosecution – only shows the low standards of the judge. It seems a few more diligent media investigations would have demolished the entire edifice of the prosecution’s case!

9.    In fact, the judge comes across as shoddy in the entire judgement. He sounds wishy-washy in talking about “minor lapses” in police investigation without identifying them – and invoked the so called “circumstantial evidence”.

He also sounds completely confused and incomprehensible at places. The following paragraph from his decision, for instance, reads like a load of nonsense.

“Learned Special Public Prosecutor for the State submitted that in view of this authority since in the present case the prosecution has successfully proved incriminating evidence against the accused persons of their criminal conspiracy against the victim by leading circumstantial evidence supported by documentary evidence, therefore, the same may be given due weightage and be considered for holding the accused persons guilty under the law.”

10.  Since Vishal Jangotra’s plea of alibi was accepted, did the counsels of the other accused try the same for any of their clients? Didn’t any of the other accused have anything to show that they were not present at the scene of the crime when it was supposed to have been committed?

11.  There may be just a few points that I’d written in the note-book that Abcd has. One of those points pertains to the assertion by the police that Tripta and Tilak Raj happen to be “close friends” by virtue of the fact that they were in the same class at school.

I found this assertion curious, wondering if a rural area really had (and has) coeducational schools. A lot of government schools even in urban areas like Delhi continue to be gender segregated.

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Here’s how Sonia, Manmohan, Modi, Left and others sold out India to Bill Gates and other globalist criminals and are conspiring to enslave 135 crore Indians to a totalitarian world government

By Kapil Bajaj Rajiv Gandhi Charitable Trust (RGCT), which is chaired by Congress president Sonia Gandhi and has her son Rahul Gandhi as a t...